Kiintar gained significant land to the west in the Mijtakian War. This is mostly settled by smaller individual tribes of traditionalist Sihter, whereas the main ethnic group in Kiintar today,Neirbar, originated from the mountains of the North-East.
The offical language of Kiintar is the Bazrak Common tongue of Tazdiik. The Kiintarian dialect is very true to the roots of the language and relies on harsh consonants and compound words. The state religion of Kiintar is Geirzun-Suntviik, which cements the Kiijak in position and reenforces the strict heirarchy of the state.
"Kiintar"<Keen-tar> translates roughly as "Kingdom of the Eastern People" in the native human tongue. The ancient tribes of the East referred to themselves as "Sihter" <See-ter> long before the unification of Kiintar under a single ruler. Some, therefore, refer to Kiintar as "Sihtar" <See-tar>, although this can be considered distasteful and offensive to the crown. Additionally, since the Miztakian War it is mockingly referred to the as "Gerziir-mattar" <G-air-zeer-Ma-tar> meaning "Land of Bloodshed", due its actions during the conflict.
Kiintar has little to no democratic elements. The Kijak Absolute rules with power only restricted by the Noble Council. This is comprised of the Ziitkar of the Capital City's Sacred families and the High Ziitkar of each of the 5 territories, and is mostly advisory, with the power to veto policy only with a 75% majority. The Kijak will select ministers of different areas to carry out the implementation of Council approved policy and to suggest ideas themselves. These ministers may be Priizbar from noble families, well-regarded specialists/experts or personal friends of the Kijak. A ministerial position is one of the only methods of social mobility in the rigid Kiintarian society, being hired by a minister as a servant of Kiintar is also a great honour and can provide a good income and social credit for a Kiintarian household.
Any political minister or servant convicted of charges of "conspiracy against the realm" faces the harshest punishment - as dictated by the revered Harmony Accords. Due to this, and the fear of losing new social status, policymaking and implementation are relatively corruption-free - especially among Ziikar, who would risk tarnishing their family permanently and ruining any chance of their daughter inheriting their job or status.
Council sessions are open to view to the public and as a condition of the Harmony Accords, non-noble village leaders of the sparsely populated bushlands along with any Priizbar or Ziitkar citizen with a petition bearing a thousand names are entitled to attend a monthly session to present ideas or raise concerns - though there is no guarantee they will be listened to.
The Kijak and the Council retain ultimate sovereignty over any more local governance due to the legally unchanging nature of its composition. To question the authority of the Kijak or council is to challenge two thousand generations of Ziitkar.
Kiintar is home to the meeting of the river Jurtket <juher-tket> (ancient river) to the ocean. Here the land is richer in life than further inland, though this is due to heavy morning mists originating from the ocean or the river and not due to rainfall.
Most of Kiintar's lands are covered by the acrid Mijtak Desert, with rocky, desert badlands in the north-east and few areas of scrublands rich in cacti in the slightly more hospitable areas of the south-east. The north-east highlands encompass Kiintar's highest peak - A mountain named "Bartar-Servit" <Bah-tar siv- et>.
The other two rivers in Kiintar feed into Jurket, one originating from a spring in the northeastern mountains and one crossing the border to the west.
Kiintar has a Dry-Arid climate, receiving only 11.5cm of rain per year on average. Temperatures can often be extreme, with a highest recorded temperature of 55 degrees Celsius, and never reaching below 25, even in the depths of the coldest winters. Large stretches of the Mijtak desert in Kiintar have never received rain in recorded history and due to this, rain is a cultural symptom of the Divine's intense disapproval in Kiintar - as it is traditionally veiwed as being sent to "purify" and "cleanse" the land for some sinful wrongdoing.
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Kiintarian education system varies based on the occupation and class of the family unit the children are raised in. Priizbar are almost always taught by others outside the family unit (such as teachers in a training facility or at home tutors), though his father will also teach him the limited family knowledge that has been provided to him either generationally or as a gift from a Ziirtket. Poorer families may enrol their sons into the army, as this will include the highest level of general education that their standing would allow, however, if their promise their Priizbar to a guild or a profession limited general education and heavy specialist education would be provided. Those in exceptional poverty or with little regard for their son, may send their Priizbar to a charity run educational centre. These are often undersupplied, understaffed and teach only basic skills. Those who attend these facilities are unlikely to ever improver their wealth or social standing unless they are sponsored into a Noble Family or enrol in the armed forces at a later date and work up from the lowest rank. Richer families often pay for tutors to give their Priizbar basic knowledge or send their son to exclusive day schools. After they have completed this they are often trained in the profession of their father, or as an aide and steward of their Ziirket's family business.
Qtotbar are always educated by their father - or any Qtotbar in the household. A Qtotbar who works outside the house is seen as a very obvious symbol of poverty and lack of social standing, but for some poorer families, it is unavoidable. Skills taught to these sons include; child-rearing, cooking, cleaning, religious ritual, and craft skills. Some use craft skills such as metal or woodwork to create goods to sell at local markets and will always pass down anything they have managed to learn to their son in turn. Some will work for richer families - especially before their Priizbar and they have had a family - sometimes both will work for the same employer. Middle-income families will use their Qtotbar to showcase their wealth and status. They rarely leave the house to do menial chores and will instead have a servant gather any food or materials they need. However, many middle-class families do have need of their Qtotbar to perform duties inside the home and so they will often be skilled and able to perform the traditional role of a Qtotbar. Noble families may even indulge their son in education of a higher level, though most Qtotbar of nobles families perform the duty of steward to their brother's belongings and business that he is unable to perform. They will still be educated by their Qtotbar father, leaning the management of estates and finances along with religious teachings.
In all but extreme circumstances, female children are taught by their mother. A mother must pass down everything to her daughter - as, by religious teaching and law, she is an extension of herself. Although daughters remain veiled until they step into their role as head of the household, she will always accompany her mother. In this way, her daughter is aware of all the details of her business and estate and is fully given the opportunity to observe and learn from her mother. It is considered poor ettiquite for a mother to hire a tutor for her daughter. Instead, if she may hire a tutor for herself and teach her daughter what she has learned. Sharing knowledge is considered paramount as keeping anything from mother or daughter would be tanamount to self islolation.
Most Kiintarian citizens follow the Bazrak practice of eating priizek <pre-zeck> and siinzek <sin-zeck> (first-meal and late-meal.)
Priizek tends to consist of a small drink-like meal or stew which is eaten while hot. This originates from ancient Bazrakians who used this practice to help regulate their body temperature in the morning, often drinking blood or warm animal milk. The most famous priizek is Gedar-Keziir <gee-dar kay-zeer>, a stew made from blood (traditionally snake blood but more modern practices call for goat blood), pre-prepared Peccary stock (domesticated pork or boar stock can also be used outside of Miztak, where this is harder to obtain), camel milk and small pieces of boiled egg. Some households may leave out the egg and richer households add small pieces of spiced, dried meat and cream.
While it may have been acceptable for ancient Bazrak, modern Kiintarians look down upon the raw consumption of blood as uncivilised and so the preparation of everyday Priizek tends to be more complicated than in other Mitzakian countries. Households who cannot afford more complicated meals often prepare a mixture of camel milk and local spices. This is brewed overnight, allowing the spices to diffuse into the milk through a thin mesh spice pouch called a Surtviir <zert-veer> which gives the dish its name, Surtviir-Gedar.
Human citizens adapt these dishes to include vegetables needed to gain vitamins they cannot absorb from meat products. Human-friendly Gedar-Keziir will contain less blood (due to their liver's intolerance to the iron found in it) and pieces of human-digestible cactus flesh and aloe. Human Gedar-Keziir will also tend to be spiced more heavily due to their different palates, though Kiintarian humans who emigrated generations ago will eat slightly closer to the traditional meal. Human and Bazrak preparation of Surtviir-Gedar is identical, however, and this will oft be the chosen dish if Humans and Bazrak meet for Priizek.
Traditional Kiintarian Siinzek is a 4-course meal, though portion sizes may be smaller to what species such as humans are used to. Bazrakians digest most effectively in the hottest hours of the day, due to being cold-blooded, and so this meal is where most of the day's calories are consumed. A traditional meal would start with a course of raw beetles - know to humans as fogstand beetles. These are eaten raw due to the water contained in stores on the beetle, that is harvests from condensing the morning fog of the desert. The second course is an egg course, traditional practice dictates eggs boiled in the households meat smoker, eaten whole with the shell. Thirdly, the meat will be served. The quality of this meat depends on the wealth and status of the family as well as the seasonal culling of livestock. The type of meat served is used as a form of communication between hosts and guests. Households may serve cold strips of dried exotic meat such as beef to show off their wealth and acceptance of human culture, or snake to show commitment to tradition and the power of the nobles. The final course served is a dish of small animal bones served with honey from the jars they have been stored in.
Kiintarian etiquette dictates that vegetables and fruit cannot be served or seen at the table. This can make it difficult for inclusive or human hosts to conform to the strict traditions. Grain products and sweetened rice dishes are the compromises, though hosts can be shocked at the appetites of warm-blooded races.
A mother leaves all her earthly possessions to her Ziirtket daughter. This is due to the legal status of a mother and her Ziirtket daughter being considered the same legal entity (or at least two parts of a single whole). As polite manners dictate that no one acknowledge the death of a Ziirtket or her replacement by her daughter, no inheritance tax is paid. In this fashion, Kiintarian women do not write wills. If there is any family knowledge or material goods that she wishes to be given to another member of her family custom dictates that she would give these away in advance of her retirement.
A family has a male line and a female line - originating from a female and a set of males with the same common female ancestor. From that point, the male children of the male line are brought into the family along with and female Ziitket of the female line.
In the case of a female from the female line, the child herself is part of the family - however, her daughter would be considered to be apart of a new family line. This will usually be named for both her biological parent's families. In noble circles, this new family line is a cadet/lower branch of the mother's house but also owes genetic allegiance to the house of the biological father - especially in times of crisis due to heir loss.
One's "Mother" is the Ziirtket at the head of the household when a child is admitted into the house. This will always be the biological mother of a female child, however, for descendants of the male line, this is not the case. Due to identical genetics from asexual reproduction, these descendants are directly decended from their "Mothers" - the number of generations removed depends on how long ago the common ancestor that started the male and female line lived.
The Qtotbar and Priizbar of the household are the "Fathers" to the children. They are biologically the male children's fathers ( in most cases) but due to asexual reproduction, they are technically descended from the genes of their "daughters".
Therefore, "brothers and sisters" can share quite a weak genetic link compared to genetic siblings. One's genetic siblings are not considered part of one's family unless specifically allowed into the child's House and are therefore loosely described as "Cousins".
In human Kiintarian families, there is a mix of representation of families. Some choose to live in extended families, where brothers and sisters raise families together but many revert to traditional human practices of direct genetic family units. The usage of the toxic herb "Qtoveir" to attempt to force human pregnancies into producing twins has lead to more attempting to construct a more "Kiintarian" family unit with two fathers.
Naming conventions vary via species. In Kiintar, Geirkar - the traditional Mijtakian naming system is very common and required to join high society.
Given names may originate from historical figures, attributes, local wildlife, or ancestors. The practice of naming girls after ancestors is considered unfashionable and tacky in modern Kiintarian high-class society, as little importance is placed on given names and ancestory is very clear in the rest of Bazrak naming traditions. Examples of Kiintar names include, "Fennec-iir" after a species of sandfox, "Addax-et" after a small species of goat,"Gerziit" meaning Bloodthirsty, "Suntiir" meaning Awake, and"Kettaviir" an ancient warrior Qtotbar from ancient folklore. Given names will often end in -iir, -et or -iit, can be longer than the two-syllables of most Kiintarian words and do not indicate gender.
In formal circumstances, titles are also read as part of a name.
To read a Kiintarian name correctly, start with their status name, then their family name then their given name. If a title is needed, it can be read before or after the name.
Kijak (title) Ziirtket (status) of Inzut (family name), Suntiir (given name)
Kijak Ziirket of Inzut
(It can be considered impolite to speak a given name at all in certain circumstances)
Kijak (title) Inzut (family)
Ziirket (status) Inzut (family)
Suntiir (given name)
Calling a Kiintarian by their given name is the equivalent in human culture of an intimate nickname or a pet name. Mothers will call their daughters by their given name, and a first-born brother may call his sibling by his given name. Outside the family, only female sexual partners and extremely close friends would use a given name, due to the level of familiarity and dominance using the name implies.
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